Editorial: Speaker Johnson must ignore GOP hardliners and pass Ukraine aid now
When House members return to Washington this week, their first priority should be to approve desperately needed aid for Ukraine as that country continues to resist Russian aggression. To ensure quick action, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) shouldn’t waste time trying to appease hard-liners in his conference. As Johnson seems to realize, he will likely need Democratic votes to ensure passage.
Like his deposed predecessor Kevin McCarthy, Johnson has been willing to rely on Democrats to protect the national interest, most recently when the House in March approved a spending package to avoid a partial government shutdown.
The 118th Congress is on track to pass the least amount of U.S. legislation in modern times, all because of the self-defeating GOP House majority.
But, also like McCarthy, Johnson must reckon with the obstructionist antics of fringe figures in his party. Last month the ever-disruptive Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) announced that she had filed a motion to “vacate the chair,” the same maneuver that resulted in McCarthy’s ouster. CNN reported last week that Greene said that if the speaker moved ahead with an aid package for Ukraine it would be one of “the most egregious things he could do.”
In recent days Johnson has indicated that he would do just that when the House returns. The cleanest and quickest way to achieve that end is for the House to approve a bipartisan package passed by the Senate in February, which includes an additional $60.1 billion for Ukraine as well as aid for Israel and humanitarian assistance for Palestinians and other civilians caught in war zones.
Republicans blocking aid to Ukraine should consider the bravery of advocate Maksym Butkevych, who was captured by Russia after joining his country’s defense.
Yet Johnson has muddied the picture by floating various “innovations” including converting aid for Ukraine into a loan — an approach to foreign aid that he noted “even President Trump has talked about” — and adding a measure that would seize Russian assets that could be used to finance aid to Ukraine. Johnson might also seek to have the House vote on aid for Ukraine separately from assistance to Israel and Taiwan, a problematic option because some representatives who support aid for Israel might balk at backing a Ukraine-only measure. He also has suggested that aid to Ukraine might be linked to undoing the Biden administration’s pause in approvals for exports of liquefied natural gas.
A modified proposal for aid to Ukraine would be preferable to no action at all. The Biden administration may find it necessary to make further concessions to smooth House passage. But such tinkering would waste precious time.
Ukraine has mounted a valiant defense against unprovoked Russian aggression. But it’s struggling to keep up the fight. Last month the Biden administration announced that it would be sending an additional $300 million in weapons to Ukraine, a stopgap measure made possible by savings on some Pentagon contracts. But that was a temporary and inadequate lifeline.
Biden proposed new funding for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan — along with more resources for security at America’s southern border — last October. It is unconscionable that Congress has dithered for so long on providing additional aid to Ukraine. Johnson should insist that the House promptly atone for that disgraceful delay.
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