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No war on narcos, Mexico’s new president vows as she outlines plan to reduce violence

People carry a wood coffin down a street.
Relatives of slain Mayor Alejandro Arcos carry his coffin during his funeral service in Chilpancingo, in Mexico’s Guerrero state, on Oct. 7, 2024.
(Alejandrino Gonzalez / Associated Press)
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  • “The war against el narco will not return,” said President Claudia Sheinbaum, who took office last week.
  • Even as the president spoke, mourners chanted “¡Justicia! ¡Justicia!” during the funeral cortege in Guerrero state for Chilpancingo Mayor Alejandro Arcos, who was assassinated less than a week after taking office.
  • Arcos’ severed head was placed on the roof of his white pickup truck, parked on a public street.

Rejecting a renewed “war” against drug traffickers, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum on Tuesday unveiled her strategy to battle organized crime in a nation where each day brings word of new assassinations, gang wars, massacres and other bloodshed.

“The war against el narco will not return,” Sheinbaum, who took office last week, said in her daily news conference.

Instead, she outlined a four-point strategy that emphasized intelligence-gathering, troop deployment, improved federal-state coordination and providing opportunities to dissuade impoverished young people from joining organized crime — which is among Mexico’s major employers.

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A centerpiece of the plan is doubling down on the often-criticized “hugs not bullets” strategy of Sheinbaum’s predecessor and mentor, former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

During his six-year term, López Obrador de-emphasized direct conflict with cartels and instead bolstered scholarships, job training, economic aid and other initiatives in a bid to provide alternative career paths for at-risk youth.

The government views “as a priority ... reducing poverty, closing gaps of inequality and generating opportunities so that the young have access to a better quality of life,” said Omar García Harfuch, Sheinbaum’s secretary of security.

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More than 140 people have been killed in the last month in Culiacán as two factions of the Sinaloa compete to fill a power vacuum.

Critics called Sheinbaum’s plan vague and unlikely to deter violence in a nation where heavily armed gangs control vast swaths of territory and have expanded from cross-border drug smuggling to rackets such as extortion, kidnapping, migrant smuggling and plundering of national resources.

“They tell us about a program of security, but how they are going to do it isn’t clear,” said Erubiel Tirado, a security expert at the Iberoamerican University in Mexico City. “The strategy is limited. ... It’s a collection of projected power points.”

Most details of the new security strategy had already been leaked or sketched in broad terms by Sheinbaum, who was credited with reducing Mexico City’s crime rate during her previous tenure as mayor.

But curbing criminality on a national level represents a much greater challenge: Organized crime is more deeply embedded elsewhere in the country than in the capital.

Soldiers and civilians have been killed in separate incidents in recent months involving ‘narco mines’ planted in western Mexico.

Even as the president spoke, mourners chanting “¡Justicia! ¡Justicia!” marched through the streets of Chilpancingo, the capital of violence-stricken Guerrero state, during the funeral cortege for Alejandro Arcos, the mayor who was assassinated last weekend, less than a week after taking office. Arcos’ severed head was placed on the roof of his white pickup truck, parked on a public street. Authorities have not named any suspects.

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Meanwhile, a month of intra-cartel violence has nearly paralyzed Culiacán, capital of Sinaloa state and base of the Sinaloa cartel, the nation’s largest.

How to tackle the violence and improve security nationwide is the most pressing problem that López Obrador left Sheinbaum.

López Obrador had already ditched the “war” on cartels approach — a now discredited militarized campaign launched almost two decades ago that cost tens of thousands of lives but did little to blunt the power of organized crime. But he also greatly expanded the role of the Mexican armed forces, which now command the national guard, formerly under civilian control.

Mexico vows to investigate after soldiers opened fire on a truck carrying U.S.-bound migrants near the country’s border with Guatemala, killing six.

The new president’s plan also relies heavily on the military, though experts say troops are ill-equipped for a law enforcement role.

“The operation of public security in this country lies with the army, the navy and the national guard — everything is militarized,” Tirado said. “That’s a problem. The strategy is limited.”

Last week, soldiers fired on suspected smuggling vehicles ferrying U.S.-bound migrants in southern Mexico’s Chiapas state, leaving six dead and at least 10 wounded.

Critics say the government of Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is trying to downplay how people have disappeared in recent years.

During his time in office, critics say, López Obrador did little to professionalize Mexico’s municipal and state police forces, many of which have been accused of widespread corruption. In her comments Tuesday, Sheinbaum didn’t address the issue of reforming local police, perplexing many observers.

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“If we don’t invest in the police, it’s going to be very difficult to resolve the crisis of security,” Clemente Castañeda, an opposition senator, told Mexico’s Radio Formula.

Polls show that many Mexicans believe that violence is spiraling out of control. The government says homicide numbers have dropped in recent years, but the rate is still far higher than in the United States.

Mexico had 26 homicides per 100,000 people in 2017, then the rate spiked to 29 between 2018 and 2020, according to government statistics. Last year, the government reported, the rate was 24 homicides per 100,000. That is still more than four times the 2023 rate of 5.7 murders for every 100,000 people in the United States.

López Obrador’s presidency also saw a record of more than 50,000 “disappeared” — mostly kidnapped victims presumed dead, often buried in clandestine graves.

Special correspondent Cecilia Sánchez Vidal contributed to this report.

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