NEWS ANALYSIS : In Jigsaw of Rallies, Perot Pieces Together True Campaign : Politics: As the prospective candidate gathers petitions across the country, his organization has gone from grass-roots to professional.
BOSTON — Citizen-politician Ross Perot turned pro last week.
Moving his presidential quest from the confines of the television studio to open-air rallies in California, Colorado and Massachusetts, Perot looked and sounded every inch the seasoned campaign trouper.
The rallies, which wrapped up with a sizable gathering Saturday in Boston, bore all the hallmarks of the traditional American political circus--bands, banners, balloons, babies and bombast. And the sophisticated manipulation of patriotic symbolism that marked his appearances was reminiscent of Ronald Reagan at his peak.
The background music at each rally was an evocative mixture of military marches and patriotic hymns. Each stop also featured a war hero on the stage and an emotional call to remember soldiers missing in action.
The Perot tableau was pure Norman Rockwell--the self-made man confronting the Establishment and promising to return the government to the governed. It also was Huey Long--the “every man’s a king” populist--in a private jet.
The Perot rallies, which are scheduled this week in Maryland and Connecticut, ostensibly provide him with a chance to thank the volunteer petition-gatherers who have gone about the unglamorous task of winning him a spot on the November presidential ballot in their states.
Officially, the events remain a prelude to the actual announcement that he is seeking the White House. Indeed, in an interview on CNN Saturday, Perot campaign co-chairman Edward J. Rollins said he did not expect him to formally announce until July.
But in reality, this past week was the one in which Perot declared his presidential bid. With a message that clearly has touched a public nerve and with seemingly limitless personal funds at his disposal, Perot left no doubt that he is galloping toward the ultimate political prize.
The theme of his speeches has been simple: He and his followers will bring leadership and action to Washington, where both are sorely lacking. Leadership toward what goals and action to what ends remain undefined.
“We all know what needs to be done,” Perot exhorts. “Just do it, do it, do it.”
That very lack of definition gives the Perot movement--to this point at least--its power. He offers no boring Clintonian catalogue of programs, no tedious Bushite resume of accomplishments. Just a promise of new energy and, to quote one of his favorite dictums from Winston Churchill, “action this day.”
Saturday’s parade and rally on the Boston Common attracted about 3,000 people and celebrated the filing Friday of 22,494 petition signatures to qualify Perot for the state’s general election ballot. Massachusetts only requires 10,000 valid signatures, and as was the case in California and Colorado, Perot reveled in the success his forces enjoyed in surpassing their goal.
Under gray skies and periodic drizzle, Perot delivered the same stump speech he gave in Sacramento and Irvine on Thursday, and Denver on Friday. He even read from the same four folded pages of yellow legal paper.
The closest thing to a policy proposal he offered was an admonition to his followers to help their neighbors in need. “If there’s someone down the street who needs help, you don’t need to call the government. Just go down the street and help ‘em.”
The Boston rally also drew a mixed bag of protesters. Many were anti-abortion activists waving placards protesting Perot’s support of abortion rights. Others were gay-rights activists upset by Perot’s recent comments that he would not name a homosexual to certain Cabinet posts because of the furor such an appointment would spark.
The Perot camp sought to couch all of last week’s rallies as spontaneous outpourings of public acclamation for the Texas tycoon, but they clearly were well-organized affairs. There was extensive consultation on timing, location, transportation, speakers and program details between local officials and Perot headquarters in Dallas.
Perot traveled with a small circle of aides, including longtime business associate Morton H. Meyerson and deputy press aide Sharon Holman. He provided his own security contingent, which was reinforced by local uniformed and plainclothes officers.
He did not make himself available to the press at any stop and very few arrangements were made to facilitate coverage. Several news organizations chartered a private plane to try to keep up with him.
The growing professionalism of the campaign can be seen in several key states, including California, Florida and New York, where Perot has hired full-time workers to run offices and supervise volunteers. Perot also has personally financed the rental of a building in Orlando and office space in Washington.
Additionally, the campaign is building a nationwide computer network to link the state offices to Dallas.
At last week’s rallies, Perot supporters echoed common themes. They are not so much angry at the nation’s more traditional Democratic and Republican politicians as disgusted by them. They believe Perot offers a new path, and they are not troubled by the uncertainty about where that path may lead.
“I just hope he’ll get in and clean up the place like he says,” said Richard Hess, a retired lithographer from Glenwood Springs, Colo. “He may have a hard time doing it. But he can’t be much worse than what we have now--even if he fails.
“No matter who you speak to, they all feel the same way. And the politicians don’t realize it yet. They think he’s a fluke. But the people are going to surprise them,” Hess added.
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