Chinese in the Southland: a Changing Picture

When art historian Suellen Cheng moved from Taiwan to Los Angeles 23 years ago, she felt lost whenever she went to Chinatown.

Merchants and residents--like most Chinese Americans at the time--had roots in Cantonese-speaking southern China. Many also had roots in America, some dating to the railroad workers who arrived here in the 19th century.

“Everyone spoke Cantonese,” recalls Cheng. “I was the only one speaking Mandarin and Taiwanese.”

By the 1980s, however, she no longer felt like an outsider among her own people. Hundreds of thousands of ethnic Chinese from throughout Asia had settled in Southern California, transforming one of the nation’s more homogeneous and established Asian American settlements into a complex and diverse community of immigrants.

Now, when Cheng visits Chinatown, she feels completely at home: “My, you’ve been here a long time, they tell me.”

Cheng’s experiences parallel far-reaching demographic changes also seen in a new Times poll, the first comprehensive survey of Southern California’s Chinese community.

The survey of 773 ethnic Chinese in six counties paints a picture of a predominantly immigrant community made up mostly of well-educated, white-collar workers and their families who have come to America since the 1970s to join relatives or to seek an education for themselves or their children. The biggest group--38%--arrived in the 1980s, after the United States established diplomatic relations with China in 1979.

Until restrictive immigration laws were reformed in 1965, a majority of Chinese Americans were American born. Today, only 13% of Chinese in Southern California are, according to last month’s poll, which was conducted in English, Cantonese and Mandarin. The remainder say they hail from China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Vietnam and other parts of Asia.

The Chinese community in America has grown from about 237,000 in 1960 to more than 1.8 million.

By 1994, California was home to an estimated 870,000 Chinese, with almost 400,000 in Southern California, according to projections by demographer Jerry Wong of the U.S. Census Bureau. They are the largest Asian group in Los Angeles County and the nation. Statewide, Filipinos outnumber Chinese.

Even though 87% of respondents said they were immigrants, their citizenship rate was relatively high--72%. Three-quarters of noncitizens said they plan to naturalize as soon as they qualify.

The finding is consistent with a 1996 UCLA study of immigrants, which found that among Asians who remain in the United States for 20 years or more, 81% become citizens.

Some see this as a reaction to anti-immigrant sentiment. “We have created a culture that immigrants are expected to become citizens,” said attorney Michael Eng, a specialist on immigration who has worked in citizenship and voter registration projects in Los Angeles. “There is a real stigma against noncitizens today.”

Demographer Larry Hajime Shinagawa, one of the nation’s top specialists on Asian American demographics, believes the surge of such anti-immigrant feelings in the 1990s, combined with community education, have spurred a record number of Chinese and other Asians to seek citizenship.

Exclusionary immigration policies have haunted the Chinese community through much of its 150-year history in America.

“The major issue facing the Chinese American community remains immigration--all aspects of it,” said Henry Der, deputy state superintendent of schools.

Chinese Americans’ relatively high citizenship rate coincides with high voter registration numbers, according to the poll, which was supervised by Times Poll Director Susan Pinkus and has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 4 percentage points. Nearly 7 in 10 respondents say they are registered voters, compared to 62% of Americans nationwide.

Political party preference is almost evenly divided among Democrats, Republicans and independents.

“What that means is Chinese Americans, despite their political party diversity, place special emphasis on both issues and candidates above party preference,” said UCLA political scientist Don T. Nakanishi, an authority on Asian American voting patterns.

Chinese Americans often talk of political empowerment. But a majority said they are not active in politics, according to the survey, even though more than 8 in 10 think they should be.

Eighty-four percent of those surveyed said they have never given money to political parties, and 60% said they are not likely to.

More than half--52%--have not closely followed the Democratic fund-raising controversy involving Asian money.

Forty-eight percent said members of the Republican-led congressional committees probing the allegations are playing partisan politics.

The findings indicate a “very high interest” in the fund-raising scandal, said Shinagawa, a sociologist at Sonoma State University.

The fact that 45% of respondents are following the issue closely is “extraordinary,” he said, “considering that a lot of Chinese Americans, like many other Asians, have tuned out because the coverage has been so one-sided.” More than a third of those polled said they were offended by investigators who tracked donors with Asian surnames, with nearly 40% considering this a form of discrimination.

Overall, however, respondents said they haven’t faced any discrimination here. Only 10% said they have experienced a great deal or a fair amount of discrimination.

That compares to 14% for Asians overall, according to a 1993 Times poll, and 30% for blacks, 15% for Latinos and 11% for whites.

Shinagawa says American-born Asians or immigrants who came here as children are more apt to feel discrimination.

Chinese in Southern California say they encounter the most discrimination on the job, the poll found. While many forms of legalized discrimination have been corrected, many Chinese Americans say they face a lot of “subtle” discrimination based on their accents and culture, said Stewart Kwoh, president of the Asian Pacific American Legal Center.

“I think people often equate a style that’s not outwardly aggressive to being unable to be an effective manager,” said Paul Ong, a UCLA demographer and economist. He added that many Chinese, like other Asians, find it offensive to brag about accomplishments.

Lawrence Hee, 49, a third-generation Chinese American who worked his way up to become a locomotive engineer for Santa Fe, also says he was never accepted as “one of the guys” during his 16 years at the company.

“I worked with between 50 and 75 guys, but when I got hurt seriously only two or three people ever called to inquire about how I was doing,” he said in a follow-up interview.

Despite such concerns, Chinese in Southern California generally are satisfied with where they live and work and feel secure about their finances.

And their satisfaction with life in the United States is high. Almost 8 in 10 say that it has turned out to be as good or better than they expected.

“This is a very generous country and I love it,” said Ginger Tang, 59, of La Palma. A native of China who was reared in Taiwan, she said she and her husband moved to the United States in 1973 because she wanted her two young children to get the best education possible.

Tang has often worked seven days a week, in a factory, coffee shops and a family-owned liquor store in different parts of Los Angeles County.

“It was very hard at times, but we have fulfilled our dream,” said Tang, noting that her son is a Harvard-educated architect and her daughter earned an MBA from Pepperdine. “In America, if you work hard, you can have a very good life. I’m convinced of that.”

Like Tang, 75% of those surveyed described the condition of the Chinese in Southern California as good to excellent.

The Chinese community’s generally upbeat self-appraisal does not surprise Kwoh.

“A majority of Chinese Americans have a strong sense of hope, optimism and accomplishment,” he said, “and for newcomers, the vast majority are better off here than where they came from. But at the same time, there are growing concerns about poverty, treatment of immigrants and impact of stereotyping in the fund-raising controversy.”

Chinese Americans generally have earned high levels of education and have median family incomes higher than the national average. But the survey shows that in Southern California, family income is spread across the spectrum, with a growing gap between the affluent--mainly from Taiwan and Hong Kong--who invest in homes and businesses, and poorer immigrants from Southeast Asia. Also, increasing numbers of the aged rely on government aid.

The poverty rate for Chinese American families is between 15% and 17%, a rate higher than for whites and lower than for blacks and Latinos. More than a fifth of those surveyed said someone in their family received government assistance.

Although Southland Chinese come from all over the world, most want to be identified as Chinese. Nearly half--46%--say they want to be identified as Chinese American, 17% as American Chinese, 9% as Taiwanese American and 7% as Hong Kong Americans. Four percent say they want to be viewed simply as American.

Being Chinese is cultural, not political, said Chinese American historian Frank Tain, former director of Chinese studies at Cal State L.A. “In the West, people tend to identify themselves as part of a political entity, but when we talk about China we’re talking about a cultural entity.”

That holds true in Southern California, where an ebb and now a flow in immigration have propelled great changes.

For instance, the influx of immigrants has created the nation’s first suburban Chinese community, in the San Gabriel Valley. Almost six in 10 polled say the San Gabriel Valley--not Chinatown--is an important business, cultural and social center for them.

But New Chinatown in Monterey Park and Old Chinatown in Los Angeles complement each other.

“We lament the fact that Chinatown in Los Angeles has decayed and is no longer the vibrant community center it once was,” said Dolores Wong, 76, whose family has lived in California for six generations.

“At the same time, we are pleased to see how new immigrants have built up new malls with attractive Chinese markets, restaurants and shops. They’ve brought a new vitality to the San Gabriel Valley. We are still brothers under the skin. We can still take pride in their achievements.”

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Happy Here

Only 16% of Southland Chinese who were raised outside of the U.S. say that life here has turned out worse than they expected, according to a recent Los Angeles Times poll.

*

QUESTION

Has your life in the U.S. turned out better, or worse or about as you expected when you arrived?

Better: 41%

Worse: 16%

As expected: 37%

Don’t know: 6%

Source: Los Angeles Times Poll

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How the Poll Was Conducted

The Times Poll interviewed 773 adult Chinese residents in Los Angeles, Orange, San Diego, Riverside, San Bernardino and Ventura counties by telephone May 9-27. Interviews were conducted in Chinese and English by Interviewing Services of America of Van Nuys. A list of Chinese surnames was used to draw the sample from phone directories. Surname samples of this type do not allow for the sampling of people with unlisted telephone numbers or Chinese residents who do not have Chinese surnames. Results were adjusted slightly so the sample would conform with census information about gender, age and region. The margin of sampling error for the entire sample is plus or minus 4 percentage points. The sampling error for subgroups may vary. Results also can be affected by factors such as question wording and the order in which questions are presented.

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Chinese in the Southland

Chinese residents from six Southern California counties were interviewed regarding their lives. A large majority say they are satisfied with the community in which they live. Here are other findings and characteristics:

How They Consider Themselves

Chinese American: 46%

American Chinese: 17%

Taiwanese American: 9%

Hong Kong American: 7%

Chinese: 7%

American: 4%

Other: 5%

Don’t know: 5%

Generations in America

Immigrant: 87%

1st American-born generation: 10%

2nd American-born generation: 2%

3rd American-born generation: 1%

Where Born and Raised

China: 23%

Taiwan: 20%

Hong Kong: 16%

U.S.: 13%

Other: 28%

Family Income

Less than $20,000: 16%

$20,000-39,000: 24

$40,000-60,000: 16

More than $60,000: 22

Political Ideology

Liberal: 27%

Moderate: 33

Conservative: 25

Don’t know: 15

Citizenship

Naturalized citizen: 59%

Native-born citizen: 13%

Don’t know: 1%

Not a Citizen: 27%

Expect to become a citizen: 74%

Don’t expect to become a citizen: 14

Don’t know: 12

When Left Country of Origin

(asked of those raised outside of U.S.)

1901-59: 9%

1960-69: 5

1970-79: 24

1980-89: 38

1990-present: 22

Don’t know: 2

Party Registration

(asked of citizens)

Democrat: 21%

Independent: 20

Republican: 22

Other: 6

Not registered to vote: 31

At Work

In labor force: 62%

Administrative: 13%

Professional: 22

Self-employed: 11

White collar: 28

Blue collar: 24

Other: 2

Not in labor force: 38%

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Lifestyle

Satisfied with the community in which you live?

Entirely satisfied: 16%

Mostly satisfied: 48

Somewhat satisfied: 24

Neutral: 3

Dissatisfied: 8

Don’t know: 1

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Most important problem facing the Chinese community in Southern California today?

(Accepted up to two replies; top three answers shown)

Crime: 16%

Race relations: 11

Gangs: 6

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How important are L.A.’s Chinatown and the San Gabriel Valley to you as business, cultural and social centers?

Most important place

Chinatown: 11%

S.G.V.: 17%One of many important places

Chinatown: 30

S.G.V.: 41

Not as important as other places

Chinatown: 33

S.G.V.: 19

Not important at all

Chinatown: 23

S.G.V.: 15

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Do you have friends from other racial and ethnic groups?

Friends from other groups: 63%

Chinese friends only: 25

No friends: 11

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Do you think there is anything holding back the Chinese people living in Southern California?

Nothing holding Chinese back: 33%

Yes, being held back:54

by (top three answers)

Language: 20%

Racism: 12

Cultural Differences: 10

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What language do you primarily speak when you are (a) at home (b) conducting personal business and financial transactions?

*--*

*FAMILY INCOME all Under $20K $20-40K $40-60K Over$60K At home Chinese 79% 99% 85% 71% 58% English 18 1 13 23 39 Other 3 - 2 6 2 Conducting business Chinese 29% 66% 26% 19% 7% English 68 34 70 79 92

*--*

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*AGE 18-25 30-44 45-64 65 and over At home Chinese 72% 82% 78% 83% English 23 16 19 15 Other 5 2 2 2 Conducting business Chinese 11% 29% 36% 47% English 88 67 64 46

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Do you think the Chinese people living in Southern California are doing an adequate job of integrating themselves into the American culture?

Non-citizen

Adequate job: 17%

Should be doing more: 68

Doing too much already: 1

Don’t know: 14

*

Naturalized

Adequate job: 21%

Should be doing more: 62

Doing too much already: 3

Don’t know: 14

*

U.S.-born

Adequate job: 43%

Should be doing more: 48

Doing too much already: 4

Don’t know: 5

All

Adequate job: 22%

Should be doing more: 62

Doing too much already: 3

Don’t know: 13

Notes:

-- = less than 0.5%

Answers may not add to 100% where more than one answer was accepted or not all categories are shown.

*

Times Poll data are also available on the World Wide Web at: http://161.35.110.226/HOME/NEWS/POLLS

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Chinese in America

1848

“They were 325 forty-niners from a different shore-China,” says UC Berkeley historian Ronald Takaki of the first wave of mostly young men who came during the California gold rush. Thousands follow, lured by tales of a Gold Mountain.

1860s

Initially, Chinese are welcomed for their cheap labor. By 1864 Central Pacific Railroad Co. recruits thousands from southern China to work on the transcontinental railroad.

1870s

As their ranks grow, anti-Chinese sentiment sets in. “Chinese must go! They are stealing our jobs!” bellows Denis Kearney, president of the Workingmen’s Party, a militant Irish labor group, in 1877. Public officials clamor for legislation to bar Chinese immigration. Rioting against Chinese spreads in the West. In an 1879 election, Californians vote 150,000 to 900 against Chinese immigration, according U.C. Davis visiting law professor Bill Ong Hing.

1880s

Anti-Chinese feelings intensify until Congress passes legislation barring Chinese immigration laborers in 1882. Chinese cannot become naturalized citizens. The law stops Chinese immigration for six decades, until it is repealed in 1943 after China becomes a U.S. ally against Japan in World War II. Chinese are allowed to become citizens that year and a token quote of 105 immigrants is set.

1890s

The Chinese American Citizens’ Alliance is formed in 1898, the oldest Asian American civil rights organization in the country.

1920s

A growing number of Chinese attend college-both American-born and from China. Some, such as actress Anna May Wong and cinematographer James Wong Howe, find success in Hollywood.

1930s

Chinese in Hawaii face fewer hurdles. In 1938, Hiram Fong is elected to the Hawaii Territorial Legislature. In 1959 he becomes the first Asian American elected to the U.S. Senate. Throughout their experience in America, Chinese maintain close ties to their ancestral land, in part, because they cannot attain full acceptance as Americans. They feel the effect of events from the fall of Manchu (Qing) dynasty in 1911, to the civil war and the 1949 Communist takeover of the mainland.

1940s

World War II is a turning point for Chinese Americans. About 12,000 are drafted or enlist.

1950s

China-born physicists Chen Ning Yan and Sung Dao eLee win the 1957 Nobel Prize in physics. Los Angeles attorney Delbert Earl Wong, a fourth-generation Californian, is named the first Chinese American judge in the continental United States.

1960s

The Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 abolishes national origin quotas and the last restrictions on Chinese immigration are removed.

1970s

President Richard Nixon visits China, leading to normalization of relations. March Fong Eu is elected California’s secretary of state in 1975.

1980s

Vincent Chin is beaten to death in 1982 by unemployed auto workers in Detroit who mistake him for Japanese.

1990s

Gary Locke is elected governor of Washington in 1996, the first Asian American to lead a state government on the continental United States.

Source: Chinese Historical Society of America, El Pueblo de Los Angeles Historical Monument, historical documents and books