Edwards, Cheney Meant to Fill Out Tickets

WASHINGTON —  One talked juries into massive damage awards. The other is a man of spare words. One is a relative newcomer to politics. The other is a master at moving the levers of federal power.

But for all their obvious differences, Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina and Vice President Dick Cheney suddenly share something in common: Each has the job of filling a specific need on his party’s presidential ticket.

Edwards, 51, exudes a sunny optimism that Democrats think will brighten voter attitudes toward Sen. John F. Kerry of Massachusetts, the party’s presumed presidential nominee. Cheney, 63, projects a gravity that Republicans say will reinforce the message that the Bush team offers a steady hand in a dangerous, post-9/11 world.

The campaigns are sure to hone these images as the November election approaches. How well this job is accomplished -- and the political skills that each vice presidential candidate brings to the campaign -- could prove crucial in determining the outcome of the election.

In addition to the traditional debate between vice presidential candidates, a key role for running mates has been to deepen the presidential nominee’s appeal to certain voting blocs. Both Cheney and Edwards are expected to focus on that task, though in different ways.

Democrats say Edwards’ populist themes and his talent for communicating them may enable him to better connect than Kerry with some undecided voters. That makes it likely that Edwards will campaign extensively among these voters in up-for-grab states such as Ohio, Missouri and Florida.

Republican strategists view Cheney as a motivator for their conservative base, meaning he will likely wind up campaigning in heavily GOP communities within competitive states.

Still, some analysts say that how he is perceived by swing voters -- in comparison to Edwards -- also will be important.

“The base of each party will be charged, but the real question is how do people less attached to parties and politics react,” said Thomas E. Mann, a political analyst at the Brookings Institution think tank in Washington. “Is Cheney’s steadfastness reassuring, or is he seen as cantankerous? Is Edwards really genuinely connecting to people, or does he appear too slick or sophomoric?”

The oratorical flair that Edwards, a former top lawyer, displayed in his run for the Democratic nomination elevated his political standing and paved the way for Kerry to select him for his ticket. But these abilities were already well-known in North Carolina.

Edwards’ skill at swaying crowds was considered so strong that then-Sen. Lauch Faircloth, the Republican incumbent whom Edwards defeated in 1998, chose not to debate him. When Faircloth’s campaign tried to refine its message by asking selected voters to react to Edwards’ TV ads, the audiences were so enamored of the Democrat that Faircloth’s aides never found a useful angle of attack.

“They never got their arms around how to deal with the guy,” said Marc Rotterman, a North Carolina Republican political consultant and informal advisor to Faircloth’s campaign.

Edwards’ leading Democratic rival in the 1998 primary, D.G. Martin, a former lobbyist for the University of North Carolina, also was flummoxed by Edwards’ ability to connect with listeners. Martin thought he had easily beaten Edwards on substance during a forum hosted by newspaper editorial writers, but soon learned otherwise

“I knew so much more about the issues and was able to get into the complexities, and went into great detail to explain them, whereas John Edwards knew what he believed but didn’t go into as much detail,” Martin recalled. “But what he was saying was just as persuasive to a group of sophisticated newspaper editorial writers as it was to the public.”

Edwards’ skills have Democrats relishing the prospect of him going toe-to-toe with Cheney in their scheduled debate on Oct. 5 in Cleveland.

But Republicans are eager for that as well. Strategists in both parties acknowledge that Cheney’s rhetorical abilities were underestimated four years ago. In his debate with Sen. Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, the 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee, he was widely praised for his calm, cool demeanor.

Lieberman had tried to politely chide Cheney, noting that Cheney had clearly benefited from eight years of economic growth under the Clinton-Gore administration. But Cheney, chief executive of Halliburton Co. in the 1990s, smiled and quipped: “I can tell you, Joe, that the government had absolutely nothing to do with it.”

On a tour of several contested states last weekend, the vice president tossed out the first pitch at a minor league baseball game and introduced his 10-year-old granddaughter at every stop. But much of the tour was devoted to what has been a central assignment for Cheney in the campaign: verbally bludgeoning Kerry as a liberal who is out of step with much of the nation on social issues.

He seemed to relish that role. Reading a speech to a crowd in Parma, Ohio, Cheney looked up from the text just as he was launching into his attacks on Kerry, and said: “This is the good part.”

He also brought a sense of seriousness to his speeches. When chants from a friendly crowd in Wheeling, W. Va., drowned out his remarks, Cheney ad-libbed: “You guys want to hear this speech or not?”

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Contrasting views

Vice President Dick Cheney and his rival on the presumptive Democratic ticket, Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina, offer contrasting personal styles and some differences on issues. Where they stand:

Cheney:

Abortion Opposes the practice except in the case of rape, incest or when a woman’s life is at risk. Supported 2003 Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act.

Gay rights Opposes gay marriage. Supports President Bush’s proposed constitutional amendment banning gay marriage.

Healthcare Backed Bush’s bill creating a Medicare prescription drug benefit.

Iraq Longtime Iraq hawk. Argues that ties between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaeda existed.

Taxes Major advocate of tax cuts as a catalyst for economic growth.

Tort reform Favors tort reform, especially in medical malpractice cases.

Edwards:

Abortion Supports abortion rights, but did not vote on the 2003 legislation.

Gay rights Opposes gay marriage. Opposes proposed constitutional amendment banning gay marriage.

Healthcare Favors tax credits to help families insure children.

Iraq Voted to authorize war in Iraq; did not support spending an additional $87 billion in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Taxes Wants to repeal the Bush tax cuts that aid the wealthiest 2% of Americans.

Tort reform Favors independent experts determining the legitimacy of malpractice cases before attorneys file.

Source: Associated Press, Times research. Graphics reporting by Susannah Rosenblatt Los Angeles Times